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NIGERIA’S FOREIGN
POLICY AFTER THE COLD WAR
ABSTRACT
Nigeria's
Foreign Policy after the Cold War offers the first comprehensive assessment of
the post–Cold War foreign policy of Nigeria, one of West Africa's consequential
actors in regional politics. Contributors to this edited volume (comprising
both academics and diplomats) adopted the concept of "concentric
circles" to analyze Nigeria's most vital domestic challenges and critical
regional/external influences from both historical and contemporary
perspectives, assessing Nigeria's relations with its neighbors, with the
African continent, with international organizations, and with the global
powers. Because foreign policy is an extension of the domestic policy of a
nation, the debates in this book, while multifaceted, share the premise that
effective foreign policy must be built on a sound domestic base and democratic
stability. Nigeria's imposing position in Africa is of long standing. The
significance of its size, population, and economic potential had been
recognized even before independence by the British, who perceived Nigeria as
likely to play a major role in Africa; as early as 1964 Claude S. Phillips
stated that "Nigeria was potentially the greatest power in Africa"
(The Development of Nigerian Foreign Policy [Northwestern University Press, 1964],
vii). But this was the Nigeria of the 1960s; what has happened to the Nigeria
of today? Between 1970 and 1990 Nigerian diplomacy was central to the
mobilization of support for nationalists and antiapartheid causes in Southern
Africa, and promotion of conflict resolution and democratic governance in West
Africa. A country like Nigeria, with its large and dynamic population, could
have an important role to play in the international system.
CHAPTER
ONE
1.0.
INTRODUCTION
1.1.
BACKGROUND OF STUDY
Oxford
University’s Centre for International Studies and its Centre for African
Studies held a seminar on the domestic, regional and external dimensions of
Nigeria’s foreign policy after the Cold War. The seminar took place at St.
Antony’s College, Oxford, from 11 to 12 July 2003, and featured about forty
participants, mostly scholars and practitioners, with many of them based in
Nigeria.
•
At the heart of this conference on Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-Cold
War era was the question of whether a relatively resourceful and ambitious
country like Nigeria can be a force for stability and democratization in
Africa. This is an important question, given the enormity of Africa’s problems
and the limited interest and commitment of many external actors to the
continent following the end of the Cold Wa r. The theoretical and practical
aspects of Nigeria’s foreign policy, the institutions and processes of policy
formulation, and the “c o n c e n t r i c circles” of domestic, regional and
external influences on Nigeria’s foreign policy were therefore the major issues
discussed during the conference.
•
The end of the Cold War has resulted in a fundamental change in the dynamics of
contemporary international politics. Developing countries, l i ke Nigeria, with
oil wealth, a large army and a large pool of well-educated citizens are now
able to play a leadership role in Africa, due to the reduced strategic
significance of the continent for major external powers. However, while
policymakers and executors of Nigeria’s foreign policy appear to be committed
to responding to demands, pressures and influences from the external
environment to contribute to regional peacekeeping, they also need to respond
appropriately to domestic pressures and influences, especially those derived
from popular public opinion. A civilian regime, unlike military governments,
also faces pressure from the parliament and the press.
•
While Nigeria’s immense potential is clearly based on its demographic size of
over 100 million people, its multiethnic population, its vast oil reserves and
its reservoir of highly skilled and educated people, the majority of its people
remain poor with a per capital income of less than $500. Likewise, while
Nigeria has played a vital role in international p e a c e keeping both under
the auspices of the United Nations (UN), as well as ECOMOG (the Economic
Community of West African States Ceasefire Monitoring Group), Nigeria itself
has been immersed in conflict, either at the level of intra-elite struggles for
power or conflicts within the context of its troubled federal experiment. Thus,
while Nigeria possesses the necessary potential as well as institutional
structures needed to formulate a vibrant foreign policy, its constraints lie in
domestic factors, namely, the nature of the foreign policy elite and Nigeria’s
economic dependence and vulnerability.
•
R e g i o n a l l y, Nigeria has seen itself and been perceived by others, as a
global player on the world stage, from its role in the African liberation
struggle and its leadership of the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) during the Cold War era to more recent peacekeeping operations in
Liberia and Sierra Leone. Nigeria’s approach to both Africa and its immediate
neighbors is based on a policy of decolonization, non-interference, respect for
inherited borders, economic integration and commitment to practical policies
that promote African unity.
•
E x t e r n a l l y, since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has sought to play
a full and active role in the international community. Its leaders have
attached even greater importance to this role because Nigeria has felt a
special responsibility, as Africa’s most populous nation, to act as an
unofficial spoke s p e r s o n for Africa and for all black people in
international fora. Some have defined this as a Pax Nigeriana, an effort to
achieve hegemonic leadership in Africa by a country that accounts for over half
of West Africa’s population and economic strength and has a 94,000- strong army
that dwarfs the combined strength of those of its fourteen ECOWAS neighbors.
Examining the ways in which Nigeria has pursued its foreign policy objectives
through an extensive network of multilateral relations and the impact of
external factors in its foreign policy formulation is a critical dimension in
the study of Nigeria’s foreign policy after the Cold War. Likewise, an analysis
of Nigeria’s key bilateral relationships with South Africa, Cameroon, France,
Britain, the United States (US) and Japan is also critical to understanding
Nigeria’s post-Cold War foreign policy.
1.2.
STATEMENT OF PROBLEM
One
of the major challenges facing Nigeria’s foreign policy is the plight of
Nigerians in prisons abroad. Over 9,000 Nigerians are in various prisons all
over the world, the highest number of 752 being recorded in the United
Kingdom. Most of them are concentrated
in the Asia-Pacific with many of them on death row. Given these alarming
numbers and the imperative need to find creative solutions to the plight of
these Nigerians, we convened regional seminars of Nigerian Heads of Mission in
six centres. The Seminar for the Asia-Pacific region took place from April 4–5,
2013. At the end of the Seminar, the Heads of Mission made far-reaching
recommendations, including the need to raise awareness in Nigeria on the
dangers of irregular migration as well as involvement in transnational crimes,
especially drug trafficking. In the immediate term, the Missions have been
directed to explore the conclusion of Prisoner Exchange Agreements with the
various countries, to ensure that those prisoners in foreign jails are
repatriated home in dignity to complete their jail terms.
1.3.
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
This
study analyzes the disappointing performance of Olusegun Obasanjo as a civilian
president, as well as the dismal legacy of his administration. The April 2007
election was widely believed to be the most fraudulent in the history of
Nigeria. Furthermore, as Oladapo Fafowora points out in his chapter, "the
pre-occupation of Nigerian leaders with domestic affairs and the country's weak
economic base have often combined to impose severe constraints on the
development of a well-defined and coherent foreign policy. Nigerian diplomats
are themselves victims of this failure. It is the government that has ultimate
responsibility for defining the country's foreign policy objectives. Nigerian
diplomats are merely the tools for achieving these goals.
Here
are the wider objectives for the study as a whole:
(a)
To state the fundamentals of nations’ foreign policies,
(b)
To construct concise definitions of foreign policy,
(c)
To write the patterns of state relations,
(d)
To arrange the historical development of foreign policy analysis as an area of
study,
(e)
To suggest the dimensions and scope of state interactions,
(f)
To define the qualifications and duties of state actors,
(g)
To identify the factors that affects foreign policies of states,
(h)
To describe foreign policy as an instrument of inter-state relations,
(i)
To analyze the importance of states’ foreign policy decision makers,
(j)
To state the contributions of leaders in foreign policy making and execution.
1.4.
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The
Field of Foreign Policy has today become enormously specialized. Similarly,
activities involved in the conduct of external affairs of states have equally
expanded tremendously. “The field of foreign policy has increasingly become
specialized as issues in international relations have become very complex. The
Foreign Policy landscape has also expanded and has historically remained
intrigue dominated” The statement above testifies to the complexities,
intricacies and enormity nature of Foreign Policy Formulation.
Thus,
apart from the expansion in the conduct of states interactions, there is the
challenge of closely related institutional actors in Nigeria for resources,
what this means is that The (NIIA) finds itself as an institution of the
Nigerian State in a situation where she must complete with similar policy
formulation bodies such as national Institute for Policy and strategic studies
(NIPSS) and National Institute for Social and Economic Research (NISER) etc. to
gain government attention and recognition. “NIIA now operates in a context
where it has to compete with similar institutions for the attention of
government and the Nigerian public”.
Each
of the institutions would generate ideas that would attract the attention of
the political authorities. This development has become a major challenge to the
(NIIA) over the years. The close resources and supremacy may be detrimental to
the entire system”. Bureaucratic and political competition sometimes mean that
a state is running several foreign policies simultaneously” thus leaving
government with adopting the most viable alternative or options.
The question then is what constitutes
Nigeria's national interests. Our national interests are internal cohesion,
national unity, the creation of a happy and egalitarian society, the creation
of a state where career is open to talents and where there IS employment for
those who want to work and where there are the traditional freedoms of speech,
political association, religion and equality before the Law, coupled with this
is the defense of the humanity and rights of all black men through deliberate
action and policies. These to me constitute our national interest.
1.5.
RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
Ho: Nigerian foreign policies since the cold war
have no significant impact on the growth and development of Nigeria.
Hi:
Nigerian foreign policies since the cold war still have very significant impact
on the growth and development of Nigeria.
1.6.
SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This study focuses on Nigeria’s foreign
policy under the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo from 1999 to
2007. It looks at the influence of personality on the conduct of foreign
policy. Other areas which this study covers include the domestic factors that
influenced the foreign policy of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Moreover, the key
achievements of Obasanjo’s foreign policy as regards domestic economic growth,
political stability, regional security, and international participation are
covered in this research. However, the research will be limited to the foreign
policy implementations of President Olusegun Obasanjo and does not intend to
provide a biography of the man nor do a comprehensive study of all his
political activities in Nigeria.
1.7.
LIMITATION OF STUDY
In
producing such a work like this, the problem confronting the researcher is not
the scarcity of materials but its availability some of which are bias in their
presentation. More so, this research work is contemporary and politically
sensitive. The researcher therefore is
confronted with the problem of interpretation of the actions of President Olusegun Obasanjo as some of the
policies initiated are still an on-ongoing process.
Finally, there is the question of time
and fund which may serve as impediments to this research. Nevertheless, these limitating factors will
greatly be managed to make the research work more objective in its
presentation.
1.8.
RESEARCH
METHODOLOGY
Historical
research method is used in carrying out this study. However, a critical
examination of the dramatic relations between Nigeria and other countries
during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration from 1999 to 2007 will be
analyzed using findings from both primary and secondary sources.
The
primary sources include written documents such as government publications,
letters, correspondence, documentaries and newspapers. Oral interviews were
conducted to complement the other sources.
Furthermore, this research work depends
largely on archival materials to gather relevant materials on the study. Field
trips will also be employed to access information from the Nigerian Institute
of International Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in order to get
relevant information regarding the research work.
Moreover,
this study depends on secondary sources such as books, journals, conference
proceedings and internet sources which are to be explored to enrich this work.
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